Réponses aux demandes d'information

Research Directorate, Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada

For information on documents issued to stateless Palestinians in Jordan, including yellow cards, green cards, blue cards, and temporary passports, and information on which groups of individuals of Palestinian descent are recognized as Jordanian citizens, including documents issued to Palestinians and their descendants, see Response to Information Request ZZZ200607 of November 2022.

1. Overview

The UN Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA) defines Palestinian refugees as "'persons whose normal place of residence was Palestine during the period 1 June 1946 to 15 May 1948, and who lost both home and means of livelihood as a result of the 1948 conflict'" (UN n.d.a). This definition is also quoted on the website of the Department of Palestinian Affairs of Jordan (Jordan n.d.). According to Minority Rights Group International (MRG), "[m]ost" of the Palestinians living in Jordan arrived after fleeing the Arab-Israeli wars in 1948 and 1967, or are their descendants (2020-06).

According to MRG, there are "around" three million Palestinians in Jordan (n.d.). In correspondence with the Research Directorate, a programme manager for Middle East and North Africa at the European Council on Foreign Relations (ECFR) [1], whose research focuses on refugee, humanitarian, and human rights issues in the region, speaking on their own behalf, stated that "more than half" of the country's population is of Palestinian origin, and that, as of 2022, there were 2.3 million Palestinian refugees registered with UNRWA in Jordan (Programme Manager 2024-03-06). Similarly, Bertelsmann Stiftung's Transformation Index (BTI) 2024, which "assesses the transformation toward democracy and a market economy as well as the quality of governance in 137 countries," notes that individuals descended from Palestinian refugees who came to Jordan around 1948 make up the "majority" or "around" 60 percent of Jordan's population, "although the exact population breakdown between Jordanians of East Bank and Palestinian origins has not been made public officially" (Bertelsmann Stiftung 2024, 2, 4).

In its submission to the 2023 UN's Universal Periodic Review (UPR) on Jordan, the UN Country Team (UNCT) states that of Jordan's total population of 11.3 million people, 2,379,681 are Palestine refugees who are "mostly Jordanian nationals" (UN [2024], 17). Other sources similarly indicate that "[m]ost" (Albanese & Takkenberg 2021-05, 27) or "about three-quarters" (Citino, et al. 2023-05-03) of Palestinians living in Jordan are Jordanian citizens (Citino, et al. 2023-05-03; Albanese & Takkenberg 2021-05, 27). These same sources add that Jordanians of Palestinian descent are "formally" (Albanese & Takkenberg 2021-05, 27) or "fairly" (Citino, et al. 2023-05-03) integrated into Jordanian society (Albanese & Takkenberg 2021-05, 27; Citino, et al. 2023-05-03). While MRG similarly states that "most" Palestinians in Jordan have Jordanian citizenship and that "many have integrated," it notes that the Jordanian state "still" considers them to be "refugees with a right of return to Palestine" (n.d.). The Programme Manager similarly specified that while "most" Palestinians who fled Palestine in 1948 have Jordanian citizenship and "enjoy many basic rights, politically they are still refugees" (2024-03-06).

MRG indicates that Palestinians reside "overwhelmingly" in northwestern Jordan, "principally in the environs" of the cities of Amman, Zarqa, and Irbid (2020-06). The UNRWA reports that "[a]bout" 18 percent of the "[m]ore" than two million registered Palestinian refugees in Jordan reside in one of the ten refugee camps located across the country (UN n.d.b).

2. Treatment of Individuals of Palestinian Descent

On the question of whether the treatment of individuals of Palestinian descent in Jordan depends on whether or not they possess Jordanian citizenship, an associate professor of political studies at the American University of Beirut, whose research focuses on Jordanian politics and the history and political economy of the Middle East, stated in an interview with the Research Directorate that "citizenship matters," and that Palestinian refugees from Gaza are an example of that, as they are "poor," "considered to be completely outside of the [Jordanian] state system," and must "resort to bribery to get [access to] Jordanian services" (Associate Professor of political studies 2023-11-14). An article by Al Jazeera reports that the descendant of an ex-Gazan [2] is labelled as "'foreigner'" on his identity card, which "restricts almost every aspect of his life" (2021-12-18). The same article quotes a spokesperson for the UNRWA as saying that public benefits "are nearly non-existent" for Palestinian refugees who do not hold Jordanian citizenship (Al Jazeera 2021-12-18).

In an interview with the Research Directorate, an associate professor of anthropology at the University of Memphis, whose research focuses on Palestinian refugees and their descendants residing in Jordan, indicated that for Palestinians who hold Jordanian citizenship and are refugees registered with the UN, "discrimination is low" since, as citizens, "they are officially not excluded" from civic and political rights (Associate Professor of anthropology 2023-10-31). In correspondence with the Research Directorate, a senior researcher based in Tel Aviv, whose work focuses on Middle Eastern politics and security, similarly stated that Palestinians in Jordan "possess or are entitled to Jordanian citizenship and to whatever basic services, legal rights and privileges other Jordanian citizens have" (Senior Researcher 2023-11-10).

2.1 Treatment by Society

The US Department of State's Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 2023 notes that "[m]any" Palestinians in Jordan "reportedly faced some discrimination" (US 2024-04-22, 68). The Senior Researcher indicated that Palestinians "may" encounter prejudicial attitudes by East Bankers who are "skeptical that Palestinians are 'real' Jordanians" (2023-11-10). The Associate Professor of anthropology similarly stated that Jordanian citizens of Palestinian descent face "social stigma" in Jordanian society as they are considered as "belong[ing] to Palestine" (2023-10-31). BTI 2022 reports that the division between individuals of Palestinian origin and "citizens of East Bank" is "well-established and recognized" (Bertelsmann Stiftung 2022, 36), while BTI 2024 notes "friction" between these groups (Bertelsmann Stiftung 2024, 32).

Sources indicate that ex-Gazans are "poor" (Associate Professor of anthropology 2023-10-31) or "much poorer" in relation to the general population (Associate Researcher 2023-10-31). The Associate Professor of anthropology stated that "in general," individuals of Palestinian descent who hold Jordanian citizenship "live outside of the camps" and have a "higher economic status," while Palestinian refugees and ex-Gazans living in refugee camps "are more impoverished"; this is most notably the case for those living in camps located in rural areas, such as the Jarash and Souf camps (2023-10-31). For their part, the Associate Professor of political studies said that where a person resides is a "crucial" determinant of their quality of life, and individuals in rural areas have a lower level of wealth compared to those in urban areas; "most" of Jordan's rural population is Transjordanian ["or non-Palestinian Jordanians" (Citino, et al. 2023-05-03); also known as East Bankers], with "some Palestinians" living in the Jordan Valley "badly off" as "sharecroppers caught in networks controlled by money lenders" (2023-11-14). Corroborating information could not be found among the sources consulted by the Research Directorate within the time constraints of this Response.

The information in the following paragraph was provided by the Associate Professor of anthropology:

Individuals of Palestinian descent face "social stigma" in Jordanian society, especially in rural areas compared to Amman, where "the bulk of the Palestinian population and camps" are located. This is particularly the case for ex-Gazans, who are "stigmatized" by society, who do not talk about them "in positive ways," but rather, among other things, as "lower class" and as "foreigners" who "do not belong and may be hostile to Jordan." This is a "consequence" of both the "limits" imposed by their legal status—which "can create tension" in relation to marriages and families, as children born to non-citizen ex-Gazan fathers cannot acquire citizenship—and their poor social conditions. However, there are no reports of individuals of Palestinian descent facing "direct violence," such as mob violence, from Jordanian society (Associate Professor of anthropology 2023-10-31).

On the question of political participation in Jordan, Freedom House reports that Jordanian citizens of Palestinian descent "make up most of the overall population" in the country, "but remain politically underrepresented" (2024-02-29, Sec. B4). Similarly, US Country Reports 2023 indicates that citizens of Palestinian descent were "underrepresented at all levels of government" (2024-04-22, 51).

In a report on Gender-Based Violence (GBV) in East Amman, the GBV Sub-Working Group (GBV SWG) in Jordan, which "aims at supporting a comprehensive and coordinated approach to GBV" with partners that include local NGOs, UN agencies, and government bodies (UN n.d.c), indicates that because of poverty and "pre-existing gender inequalities within their own respective cultures," Syrian and Palestinian refugee women and girls are at "a heightened risk of GBV," including sexual harassment and abuse of Palestinian refugee women and girls in the camps as well as in public spaces in Amman (GBV SWG – Jordan 2021-10, 45, 48). Corroborating information could not be found among the sources consulted by the Research Directorate within the time constraints of this Response.

2.2 Treatment by Authorities

The Associate Professor of political studies indicated that given a "majority" of Jordan's police force is made up of Transjordanians, "if you're Palestinian, you are at a disadvantage"; however, "most disputes," such as traffic incidents, robberies, or murders, are dealt with by "tribal law, not just national law" (2023-11-14). Additionally, the same source stated that "unless they come from the business class" or are otherwise able to "bribe authorities," Palestinians in Jordan do not have "the same access" to police services as Transjordanians do (Associate Professor of political studies 2023-11-14). According to the Associate Professor of anthropology, the treatment of individuals of Palestinian descent by Jordanian state authorities differs based on whether or not they live in refugee camps (2023-10-31). The same source indicated that Palestinian refugee camps have "greater security," but that their residents face increased "ill treatment" and arrests during times of regional conflicts, such as during the war in Iraq; in such times, the police "perceive" Palestinians and their descendants as "vulnerable to being disloyal," "suspicious," and as a "threat to the safety of Jordan" (Associate Professor of anthropology 2023-10-31). Additionally, the Programme Manager reported that there is a "growing" concern "over the permanent nature of the Palestinian plight" on the part of Jordanian authorities (2024-03-06).

Reuters states that Jordanian police "forcibly dispersed" and used tear gas against 500 "pro-Palestinian" demonstrators outside of Amman on 13 October 2023; the demonstrators were marching towards a security checkpoint in a border area along the "Israeli-occupied West Bank" (2023-10-13). According to the same source, Jordanian authorities feared "a regional widening of violence" and "repercussions" for Jordan from the "war between Israel and Palestinian Islamist group Hamas in Gaza," given that a "large percentage of its population are Palestinians" (Reuters 2023-10-13). Sources published in April and May 2024 indicate that since pro-Palestinian demonstrations began in Jordan in October 2023, authorities have arrested ["hundreds" of (The New Yorker 2024-05-12) or "at least 1,500" (Amnesty International 2024-04-11)] protesters (The New Yorker 2024-05-12; Amnesty International 2024-04-11). A February 2024 article by Human Rights Watch about arrests of pro-Palestine protesters indicated that "many charges [are] eventually dropped" (2024-02-06), while an April 2024 article by Amnesty International called on the government to "'immediately release all those who have been arbitrarily detained since October 2023 over their pro-Palestine activism'," noting that "[a]t least 165 protesters were arrested between 24 and 27 March, while scores" were detained [in the following two weeks] and that "[d]ozens" remained in detention "pending trial," while "at least" 21 individuals were "being held in illegal administrative detention on orders of the Governor of Amman even though the public prosecutor permitted their release" (2024-04-11).

In an interview with the Research Directorate, an associate research fellow at the French Institute of the Near East (Institut français du Proche-Orient, IFPO) [3], whose work focuses on refugee, political, and socioeconomic issues in the Middle East, including Jordan, indicated that "there is a stigma against ex-Gazans" by the police (Associate Researcher 2023-10-31). Additionally, the same source stated that Palestinian refugees from Syria, or Jordanians with Palestinian spouses from Syria, are "scared" of the police, live "under the radar," and "work in the informal market" (Associate Researcher 2023-10-31). The Associate Professor of anthropology added that Palestinian refugees from Gaza and Syria, who "are seen as foreigners" or as holding "illegal status," are both "unfairly detained by police and harassed" when asked to provide identification, for which they have "a temporary passport" issued by Jordan (2023-10-31).

In its 2024 report on Jordan, Freedom House writes that Jordanian citizens of Palestinian descent are at "risk" of "arbitrary revocation of citizenship or documentation" (2024-02-29, Sec. F4). Similarly, the Programme Manager indicated that "increasing instances of arbitrary legal processes and elusive policies" used by Jordanian authorities to "strip Palestinian refugees of documentation and rights" previously conferred, including those with "full Jordanian citizenship," has led to the revocation of "thousands" of Palestinian Jordanians' citizenship since 2004 (2024-03-06).

3. Access to Services

BTI 2022 indicates that there are class divisions and "inequalities in access to opportunities for different nationalities" (Bertelsmann Stiftung 2022-02-23, 7). For his part, the Associate Professor of political studies stated that "growing inequality" and "social class divisions" are the "main determinants" of the quality of life and opportunities available to Jordanians, "more so than communal origin" (2023-11-14). However, according to American Near East Refugee Aid (Anera), an NGO that provides "emergency relief" and sustainable development for refugees affected by conflict in Palestine, Lebanon, and Jordan (Anera n.d.a), due to "statelessness, psychological trauma, interrupted education and poverty," "many" Palestinian refugees in Jordan "lack professional and educational opportunities" and have "limited" access to healthcare, leading "many" to "travel for treatment or forgo care altogether" (n.d.b). For their part, the Associate Professor of political studies noted that "in general," neither Palestinians nor Transjordanians have "great access to services" in Jordan, "due to austerity and other economic measures"; for instance, the "public school system has almost collapsed," health services are "unaffordable for most Jordanians," including "for those employed in the army," and the level of access to water and electricity "is the same" for the population as a whole (2023-11-14).

As cited in a report by the Danish Immigration Service on Palestinian refugees in Jordan, a principal researcher at the Lebanese American University and postdoctoral research fellow at School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) University of London, whose research focuses on citizenship, migration, and refugee rights for Palestinians in the Middle East, indicated that a person holding Jordanian citizenship can also be registered with UNRWA, and therefore be "entitled to receive services from Jordanian authorities as well as from UNRWA" (Denmark 2020-06, 68, 71). According to BADIL Resource Center for Palestinian Residency and Refugee Rights (BADIL), a "human rights non-profit organization" that is registered with the Palestinian Ministry of Interior and advocates for the rights of Palestinian refugees and internally displaced persons (BADIL n.d.), Palestinian refugees without Jordanian citizenship have "limited employment opportunities and no access to social benefits" other than the services offered by UNRWA (BADIL 2022, 59). Similarly, the Programme Manager spoke of stateless Palestinians as having limited to access to documentation and education, and no access to welfare support and health care, except for services offered by UNWRA (2024-03-06). An article published by a professor of history at Rice University, Texas, and two researchers in the Middle East program at the Rice University's Baker Institute for Public Policy also reports that ex-Gazans are "excluded" from "most rights and services" due to their citizenship status and have to get education and health care from UNRWA (Citino, et al. 2023-05-03). According to BTI 2022, in Jordanian society informal welfare "safety nets," such as family, clan and tribe, intersect with formal models of welfare; however, the "nongovernment sector," including UN agencies, "performs an indispensable role" for large refugee populations (Bertelsmann Stiftung 2022, 24).

The UN Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) indicates in a 2017 report that a 2014 decision to "grant children of Jordanian mothers (who have resided in the country for a minimum of five years) and foreign fathers some 'privileges'" related to "education, health, work, property ownership and investment," had yet to be published and "fully implemented" (UN 2017-03-09, para. 39). The Associate Researcher noted that the policy to give access to "equal civil rights" without conferring citizenship to the children of Jordanian mothers and ex-Gazan fathers has been "partially implemented," but that authorities "are not implementing it properly" (2023-10-31).

3.1 Access to Employment

According to BADIL, there is "no available data" on the labour force participation and unemployment rate of Palestinian refugees in Jordan (2022, 55). Regarding refugee camps, UNRWA indicates that as of April 2023, 18 percent of the residents of the Husn [or Hosun] Camp were unemployed, the highest unemployment rate among refugee camps in Jordan, and that 25 percent of women residents of this camp were unemployed (UN 2023-04). According to BTI 2022, employment for non-citizens "is increasingly difficult" (Bertelsmann Stiftung 2022, 25). BTI 2024 indicates that "[b]y the end of 2022, the official unemployment rate was over 22%, with informal employment nearly double that figure" and that there were "cleavages" between citizens and non-citizens regarding employment opportunities (Bertelsmann Stiftung 2024, 3, 37).

Sources report that Palestinian refugees without Jordanian citizenship do not have access to ["most" (Programme Manager 2024-03-06)] jobs in the public sector (Programme Manager 2024-03-06; Associate Researcher 2023-10-31). Freedom House writes that Jordanian citizens of Palestinian descent are "often excluded from jobs in the public sector and security forces, which are dominated by East Bank tribes" (2024-02-29, Sec. F4). The Senior Researcher stated that it is "possible" that Palestinians "may" face additional obstacles to employment in some branches of the Jordanian military and security services due to their "suspected affinity to radical Islamism" or other doubts about their "loyalty" to the Jordanian regime (2023-11-10). According to US Country Reports 2023, citizens of Palestinian descent were "underrepresented" in the military and "senior positions in the government" (2024-04-22, 51, 68). The Associate Researcher similarly stated that citizens of Palestinian descent can work in the public service, but added that "the more you walk up the ladder, the fewer Palestinians you will find" (2023-10-31). The same source also indicated that Jordanians with Palestinian heritage face an "informal barrier" in accessing public service jobs; however, they added that this has led Palestinian Jordanians to "shif[t]" to the private sector, where they are "more domina[nt]" compared to Transjordanians (Associate Researcher 2023-10-31). The Associate Professor of political studies noted that Palestinians enjoy a "slight advantage" in employment opportunities within the private sector, where they have forged "large networks" in sectors they "dominate," such as construction (2023-11-14).

As cited in the Danish Immigration Service report, the Principal Researcher at the Lebanese American University indicated that "[n]on-citizens, e.g. ex-Gazans" face "constraints in getting private sector jobs," "often" resulting in having "no other choice but to receive help from UNRWA" (Denmark 2020-06, 71). According to sources, Palestinians who do not hold Jordanian citizenship (Programme Manager 2024-03-06) or ex-Gazans (Associate Researcher 2023-10-31) require work permits (Programme Manager 2024-03-06; Associate Researcher 2023-10-31) to access private sector jobs (Programme Manager 2024-03-06). The Associate Researcher noted that these permits are "quasi free" of charge for ex-Gazans (2023-10-31). Corroborating information could not be found among the sources consulted by the Research Directorate within the time constraints of this Response.

US Country Reports 2023 indicates that Palestinian refugees from Syria have "highly complex" access to basic civil services, which poses an "additional risk of abuse" for undocumented refugees by third parties, such as employers (2024-04-22, 45).

3.2 Access to Education

In its compilation for the UPR on Jordan, citing the Committee on the Rights of the Child, the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) writes that "children in disadvantaged situations," including "asylum-seeking and refugee children" and "children of Palestinian origin," among others, face "persistent barriers" in accessing education in Jordan (UN 2023-11-10, para. 37). BADIL states that there were 161 UNRWA schools in Jordan as of the 2021–2022 academic school year and adds that 83 percent of UNRWA schools use a double-shift system to accommodate for a "shortage in schools and staff members" (2022, 60, 61). According to the Associate Professor of anthropology, ex-Gazans face "social discrimination" in public schools, including from teaching staff and in the educational curriculum, because of their perceived social status and how they are "viewed in relation to Jordanian nationalism" (2023-10-31).

As cited in the Danish Immigration Service report, the Principal Researcher at the Lebanese American University stated that "[n]on-citizens, e.g. ex-Gazans, cannot enter Jordanian public schools for free," and "are treated as Arab foreigners when accessing higher education" (Denmark 2020-06, 71). According to the article by the research team at Rice University, because they are "barred from citizenship" and have to "pay double the tuition fees to access public schools and universities," Palestinians from Gaza must rely on UNRWA to access education (Citino, et al. 2023-05-03). The Associate Researcher indicated that on "principle, all refugees have access to primary and secondary education"; however, the same source noted that for university education, ex-Gazans or those who arrived from Syria are charged international tuition fees (three times higher) due to their status as "foreigners" (2023-10-31).

According to US Country Reports 2023, Jordanian citizens of Palestinian descent were "underrepresented" in public universities as a result of "social barriers" and had "limited access" to scholarships compared to "citizens of Jordanian heritage" (2024-04-22, 68-69). A report on citizenship law in Jordan, authored by Lilian Frost from the Department of Political Science at Virginia Tech and published by the European University Institute's (EUI) Global Citizenship Observatory (GLOBALCIT), states that Jordanians of Palestinian descent "can face greater competition" in accessing public universities, "due to the number of official and unofficial quotas" favouring "primarily Transjordanian groups" (Frost 2022-02, 47).

However, the Associate Professor of political studies indicated that "most private universities are Palestinian-owned," and Palestinian students "have high attendance rates" in university programs that have "better employment prospects" upon post-secondary graduation, such as engineering and "other sciences" (2023-11-14). Corroborating information could not be found among the sources consulted by the Research Directorate within the time constraints of this Response.

3.3 Access to Health Care

According to the OHCHR compilation on Jordan, Palestinian refugees without Jordanian citizenship are confronted with "barriers to accessing health services" (UN 2023-11-10, para. 32). A report on Palestinian refugees' access to health services in Jordan by UNRWA specifies that although "most" Palestinians in Jordan possess Jordanian citizenship and "have the same access to health care as other Jordanian citizens," those who do not must contend with "restrictions on their access to health care, leaving them extremely vulnerable" (UN n.d.d). According to the article by the research team at Rice University, because they are "barred from citizenship and are excluded from most rights and services," Palestinians from Gaza must rely on UNRWA for health care (Citino, et al. 2023-05-03). The Associate Researcher indicated that ex-Gazans turn to UNRWA for basic health services, but when it comes to serious illnesses like cancer, they are required to shoulder the expenses for treatment, because they are "foreigners" (2023-10-31).

3.4 Access to Housing

UNRWA indicates that Palestinian refugee camps "often suffer from dilapidated shelters, inadequate infrastructure and lack of facilities" (UN 2023-04).

BADIL provides the following statistics on the distribution of UNRWA-registered Palestinian refugees who live in official and unofficial refugee camps as of the end of 2021; the figures for the "unofficial camps" are estimated, based on figures from 2000 to which an "annual population growth" was added:

(BADIL 2022, 48–49)

US Country Reports 2023 indicates that Palestinian refugees from Syria have "highly complex" access to basic civil services, which poses an "additional risk of abuse" for undocumented refugees by third parties, such as landlords (2024-04-22, 45). Sources report that as of 2018, Palestinian refugees from Gaza [who are the head of a family (Amnesty International [2018])] are allowed to own property (Amnesty International [2018]; The Jordan Times 2018-11-15) and land of up to one acre in size, for the purpose of building a home (Amnesty International [2018]).

4. State Protection

Information on state protection for individuals of Palestinian descent and stateless Palestinians in Jordan was scarce among the sources consulted by the Research Directorate within the time constraints of this Response.

The information in the following paragraph was provided by the Associate Professor of political studies when asked about existing channels to access justice and state protection for Palestinians:

While public institutions like an ombudsperson's office or a human rights institute, among others, all exist in Jordan, "the consensus" is that they do so "more for appearances." The "true sources of protection in Jordan are informal," based on "clan, tribe, kin, wasta [4], bribing, and other informal networks of belonging," such as intermarriages. "In general," however, it is still "better to be a poor Transjordanian member of an influential clan that has more clout with influential actors [in the state] than it is to be a poor Palestinian in Jordan" (Associate Professor of political studies 2023-11-14).

According to the Associate Professor of anthropology, individuals of Palestinian descent "never" seek redress through Jordanian government services that "address the discrimination," including those "who had encounters with the police" (2023-10-31). The same source added that ex-Gazans in particular "fear deportation," as the state "has no obligation to keep them" (Associate Professor of anthropology 2023-10-31). According to the Associate Researcher, although there is no such state policy, due to a "stigma" attached to ex-Gazans, the police "might not take seriously" a complaint of violence submitted by them (2023-10-31).

According to the report by the GBV SWG – Jordan, a "wide range" of services for GBV survivors are offered in East Amman, such as legal services, helplines, mental health support, and shelters, which are offered by various organizations, including UN agencies and the Family Protection Department (FPD) of Jordan (2021-10, 51). The same report also indicates that Jordanian, Syrian, Palestinian, and Iraqi refugees constitute the "vast majority" of survivors using those services, but adds that some services are only offered to survivors of "Syrian and Jordanian nationalities" (GBV SWG – Jordan 2021-10, 53). Corroborating information and information on services offered outside of Amman could not be found among the sources consulted by the Research Directorate within the time constraints of this Response.

This Response was prepared after researching publicly accessible information currently available to the Research Directorate within time constraints. This Response is not, and does not purport to be, conclusive as to the merit of any particular claim for refugee protection. Please find below the list of sources consulted in researching this Information Request.

Notes

[1] The European Council on Foreign Relations (ECFR) is a think tank producing research on security and foreign policies and providing "a safe meeting space for decisionmakers, activists and influencers to share ideas" (Programme Manager 2024-03-06).

[2] "Ex-Gazans" are a group of refugees in Jordan originating from Gaza, Palestine, who do not hold Jordanian citizenship (Fafo 2019, 7). Sources indicate that ex-Gazans are refugees from the time of the 1967 [Arab-Israeli] war (US 2024-04-22, 68; Associate Researcher 2023-10-31).

[3] The French Institute of the Near East (Institut français du Proche-Orient, IFPO) is a research centre under both the French Ministry for Europe and Foreign Affairs (ministère de l’Europe et des Affaires étrangères) and the French National Centre of Scientific Research (Centre national de la recherche scientifique, CNRS), promoting field research in the humanities and social sciences (IFPO n.d.).

[4] Wasta refers to the "common practice" of using "personal connections," such as from one's family or social network, to "gain quicker and better access" to jobs and services (Transparency International 2019-12-11).

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Additional Sources Consulted

Oral sources: Arab Renaissance for Democracy and Development; assistant professor at a research institute in Italy who conducts research on Palestinians, irregular migration, and refugee studies; BADIL Resource Center for Palestinian Residency and Refugee Rights; Community Media Network; doctoral researcher in international relations at a university in the UK who conducts research on Palestinian transnational student movements; Emirates Policy Center; Euro-Mediterranean Human Rights Monitor; Human Rights Watch; Institute for Palestine Studies; Konrad-Adenauer Stiftung – Foundation Office Jordan; Malcolm H. Kerr Carnegie Middle East Center; Middle East Institute; The National Center for Human Rights; professor at a university in Jordan whose research focuses on international relations between Jordan and Israel; professor at a university in the US who did field research on Palestinian refugees; Thomson Reuters; The Washington Institute for Near East Policy; Wilson Center – Middle East Program.

Internet sites, including: Al-Monitor; Arab Center Washington DC; Arab News; Australia – Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade; Austrian Red Cross – ecoi.net; Cambridge University Press & Assessment; Center for Strategic and International Studies; Community Media Network; Council on Foreign Relations; Deutsche Welle; Encyclopaedia Britannica; Emirates Policy Center; EU – EU Agency for Asylum; Factiva; Forced Migration Review; Foreign Policy; France – Office français de protection des réfugiés et apatrides; Freedom Is the Future; Germany – Federal Office for Migration and Refugees; Institute for Middle East Understanding; Institute for Palestine Studies; International Crisis Group; Jerusalem Institute of Justice; The Jerusalem Post; Jewish Virtual Library; Journal on Migration and Human Security; Konrad-Adenauer Stiftung; Middle East Eye; Morocco World News; The New Arab; Norway – Landinfo; Norwegian Refugee Council; Oxford Academic; Peace Insight; Poland – Office for Foreigners; Refugees International; UN – Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination; ReliefWeb; US – Congressional Research Service; United States Institute of Peace; The World.