Mexico: The Jalisco New Generation Cartel (Cártel de Jalisco Nueva Generación, CJNG), its activities, areas of operation and influence; the ability of the CJNG to track and retaliate against people who move to other areas of Mexico, including Mérida, Campeche, Mexico City, and Cabo San Lucas; the profiles of people they would be motivated to track and target (2019–August 2021)
1. Overview
Sources state that the CJNG originated from the Sinaloa Cartel (InSight Crime 5 May 2021; AQ [26 Jan. 2021]) and the Milenio Group (InSight Crime 5 May 2021). A January 2020 report by Lantia Intelligence, a digital data platform on violence, organized crime, and social conflict in Mexico (Lantia Intelligence n.d.), indicates that the CJNG has the [translation] "most operational capacity" in the country and is the "only cartel" with a national presence, along with the Sinaloa Cartel (Lantia Intelligence Jan. 2020, 7, 4). According to a report by the US Congressional Research Service (CRS) "several authorities" have "deemed" the CJNG to be Mexico's "new most expansive cartel" (US 28 July 2020, 20). An article by Animal Político, a digital media website from Mexico (Animal Político n.d.), indicates that the Government of Mexico considers the CJNG to be a [translation] "consolidated, well-organized criminal group with solid financial networks and diverse criminal activities" with a "'supranational' presence" through its own presence or through allies "in most of the country's states" (Animal Político 27 June 2020).
The CJNG profile by InSight Crime, a non-profit think tank and media organization that focuses on organized crime in Latin America and the Caribbean (InSight Crime n.d.), states that the CJNG has "evolved" due to "killings, captures and rifts in older cartels," and is known for its "aggressive use of violence and its public relations campaigns" (InSight Crime 8 July 2020). According to the Brookings Institution, a non-profit and public policy organization in Washington, DC (Brookings Institution n.d.), the CJNG "centers its rule on brutality, brazenness, and aggressiveness" but does not "invest in and provide socio-economic goods and governance" to "build up political capital" (Brookings Institution Mar. 2019, 12).
2. Areas of Operation and Influence
Sources state that the CJNG is "one of the fastest growing" criminal organizations in Mexico (US 11 Mar. 2020; Yucatan Times 25 Aug. 2020), and "one of the five most dangerous" in the world (US 11 Mar. 2020). According to sources, the CJNG [translation] "dominates 24 states" (Infobae 22 Sept. 2020) or has a "strong influence in at least 25" states (InSight Crime 9 July 2021) or has a presence in 27 states (Animal Político 2 Oct. 2020; US 28 July 2020, 28). Lantia Intelligence states that the CJNG is present in [translation] "all federal entities" except Sinaloa (Lantia Intelligence Jan. 2020, 7). InSight Crime reports that the CJNG is "truly the dominant criminal actor" in Jalisco, Nayarit, Colima, Veracruz, Guanajuato, Puebla, Querétaro, Hidalgo, and the Lázaro Cárdenas port in Michoacán (InSight Crime 8 July 2020). An article from September 2020 by Infobae, a Spanish-language news website from Argentina (The Washington Post 8 June 2016), indicates that the CJNG [translation] "controls virtually all of the country's eastern coastal states," as well as Baja California, Baja California Sur, Sonora, Chihuahua, Coahuila, Sinaloa, Zacatecas, Jalisco, Colima, Querétaro, State of Mexico, Guerrero, Oaxaca, Chiapas, and Quintana Roo (Infobae 22 Sept. 2020).
According to a May 2021 Mexico profile by InSight Crime, the CJNG "took advantage of a weakened government presence" in Zacatecas during the COVID-19 pandemic to "claim new territory" (InSight Crime 5 May 2021). A June 2020 InSight Crime article indicates that the CJNG "does not have much influence" in Tamaulipas (InSight Crime 11 June 2020). However, a May 2021 article by the Los Angeles Times (LA Times) indicates that the CJNG does not have a presence in Zacatecas, Tamaulipas, Campeche, and Yucatán as these areas are [translation] "mostly controlled" by Los Zetas (LA Times 11 May 2021).
Justice in Mexico, a program based at the Department of Political Science and International Relations of the University of San Diego (USD), states that the CJNG has expanded its areas of influence given its ability to "exploit[t] the fracturing or weakening of rival[s]" and its ability to "leverage alliances with other criminal groups," "particularly in strategically-located areas along the US-Mexico border" (Justice in Mexico 23 Mar. 2021). According to SinEmbargo, an online news publication from Mexico, the expansion of the CJNG can be [translation] "characterized" by the group's "excessive use of force" and technology (SinEmbargo 3 Aug. 2021). However, InSight Crime indicates that the CJNG "does not necessarily control every area it is present in" (InSight Crime 8 July 2020) and that the group has found it "increasingly difficult to control strategic territories the more it has expanded" (InSight Crime 11 June 2020).
According to sources, the CJNG is the "most powerful" (IEP May 2021, 28) or the "largest and most well-funded group" in the Tierra Caliente region (InSight Crime 11 June 2020). However, InSight Crime notes that the CJNG has not been able to "overcome entrenched local groups" in the Tierra Caliente region (InSight Crime 11 June 2020). According to sources, the CJNG shares the Mayan Riviera with the Sinaloa Cartel, Los Zetas (El País 28 June 2019; Infobae 17 Aug. 2019; InSight Crime 11 June 2020), the Gulf Cartel (El País 28 June 2019; Infobae 17 Aug. 2019), and Los Pelones (InSight Crime 11 June 2020).
2.1 International Presence
According to sources, the CJNG has international contacts (InSight Crime 8 July 2020) or presence (Infobae 29 Dec. 2020) in Colombia and the US (Infobae 29 Dec. 2020; InSight Crime 8 July 2020). InSight Crime also reports that the CJNG has contacts in Perú, Bolivia, Central America, Canada, Australia, China, and Southeast Asia (InSight Crime 8 July 2020). Sources report that in the US, the CJNG operates in Denver, San Diego, Miami, Chicago, Los Angeles, New York City (Animal Político 2 Oct. 2020; US 2 Mar. 2021, 65), Atlanta, Seattle, Honolulu, San Juan, Orlando, Kansas City, Houston, Dallas, El Paso, and Orange County, among other cities (US 2 Mar. 2021, 65).
3. Activities of the CJNG
According to sources, the CJNG is involved in homicides (InSight Crime 8 July 2020; Animal Político 27 June 2020). Sources state that the CJNG is involved in human trafficking [or "human smuggling" (US 29 July 2020, 1)], kidnappings [or "forced disappearances" (InSight Crime 8 July 2020)], and [translation] "wholesale and retail drug production, trafficking, and trade" [or [translation] "controls the passage of drugs" (El Sur de Campeche 14 July 2021)] (Animal Político 27 June 2020). Sources indicate that the CJNG extorts individuals (Animal Político 27 June 2020; US 11 Mar. 2020; Fox News 22 Dec. 2020), and uses "extreme violence" and bribes to "steadily expand control of the drug trade" (US 11 Mar. 2020). According to sources, the CJNG is a "pioneer in fentanyl smuggling" (Brookings Institution Mar. 2019, 4) or "dominate[s]" the fentanyl trade in Mexico, along with the Sinaloa Cartel (InSight Crime 2 Mar. 2020). An article by El Universal, a national newspaper based in Mexico City, reports that the CJNG is [translation] "seeking to … control the drug trafficking market" in Zacatecas, "especially now" as products like fentanyl have "emerged" (El Universal 3 Feb. 2020). A report by the US Overseas Security Advisory Council (OSAC) indicates that the CJNG is "involved" in drug-related violence in Baja California and Baja California Sur (US 29 July 2020).
According to sources, the CJNG is involved in fuel theft (Animal Político 27 June 2020; WSJ 26 June 2020; AQ [26 Jan. 2021]). An article by El Sur de Campeche, a newspaper in Campeche, notes that the CJNG has control of fuel theft in various municipalities within Campeche (El Sur de Campeche 14 July 2021). Sources states that the CJNG is also involved in fuel theft in Guanajuato (START, CINA and CAOE [June 2020]; WSJ 26 June 2020).
Sources indicate that the CJNG has "been involved in high-profile attacks against public officials" (InSight Crime 8 July 2020) or "assassinated numerous" public officials to "intimidate" the Mexican government (US 28 July 2020, 17). According to sources, "at least" 13 or 14 state police officers were killed in Michoacán in October 2019 (InSight Crime 18 Oct. 2019; WSJ 18 Oct. 2019). Sources note that in May 2018, the group attempted to kill the former security secretary of Jalisco (El Sol de Sinaloa 23 May 2018; InSight Crime 8 July 2020). Sources report that the CJNG killed the commander of the State Police in Quintana Roo (Animal Político 22 Sept. 2019; Reporte Nivel Uno [22 Sept. 2019]). According to sources, in 2020 the CJNG shot and injured Mexico City's Police Chief in a failed assassination attempt (WSJ 26 June 2020; InSight Crime 27 June 2020). Sources note that a judge was killed in Colima in June 2020, along with his wife (El País 16 June 2020; WSJ 26 June 2020). Sources report that in December 2020, the CJNG killed (InSight Crime 9 July 2021) or the CJNG is "suspected" to be involved in the "political killing" of the former governor of Jalisco in Puerto Vallarta (Reuters 18 Dec. 2020).
InSight Crime states that the CJNG has "been known to appeal to the Mexican citizenry with idealistic propaganda" and has continued with these "outwardly 'altruistic' actions in strategic areas" during the COVID-19 pandemic (InSight Crime 8 July 2020). An article from January 2021 by Proceso, a magazine from Mexico City, reports that the CJNG delivered toys, food, and money to individuals in the municipality of Aguililla in Michoacán to [translation] "fight for control of the territory" (Proceso 7 Jan. 2021). The LA Times reports that the CJNG [translation] "distributed gifts" in nine municipalities in Michoacán, three in Jalisco, and one in Guanajuato for Mother's Day in May 2021 (LA Times 11 May 2021).
The CRS report notes that the US Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) considers the CJNG to be "Mexico's most well-armed" drug trafficking organization (US 28 July 2020, 28). According to InSight Crime, Mexican officials have indicated that the CJNG "possesses highly sophisticated armament, including machine guns and grenade launchers" (InSight Crime 8 July 2020). Business Insider, an online global news and lifestyle publication (Business Insider 6 May 2016), states that according to residents of Aguililla in Michoacán, the CJNG used drones "loaded with C4 explosives and shrapnel" to attack enemies in May 2021, and that a similar attack occurred one month prior (Business Insider 1 June 2021).
4. Ability and Motivations of the CJNG to Track and Retaliate Against Individuals
For information on the ability and motivations of organized crime groups, including the CJNG, to track and retaliate against individuals who move to Mérida, Campeche, Mexico City, and Cabo San Lucas, see Response to Information Request MEX200732 of September 2021. According to Americas Quarterly (AQ), a New York City-based not-for-profit publication covering business, politics, and culture with a focus on Latin America, published by the Americas Society/Council of the Americas (AS/COA) (AQ n.d.), the CJNG has "managed to infiltrate public institutions" despite its "general anti-government stance" (AQ [26 Jan. 2021].
This Response was prepared after researching publicly accessible information currently available to the Research Directorate within time constraints. This Response is not, and does not purport to be, conclusive as to the merit of any particular claim for refugee protection. Please find below the list of sources consulted in researching this Information Request.
References
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Additional Sources Consulted
Oral sources: Amnesty International; associate professor at an American university that specializes in Mexico-US relations, organized crime, border security, and human trafficking; Bertelsmann Stiftung; Brookings Institution; Center for Strategic and International Studies; Council on Foreign Relations; doctoral candidate at a university in Canada that researches violence and organized crime groups in Mexico; Freedom House; Human Rights Watch; InSight Crime; International Crisis Group; journalists at the Wall Street Journal (2); Lantia Consultores; Mexico – Ministry of Finance; post-doctoral researcher at a Mexican university that specializes in gangs; professor at a Mexican university that specializes in drug and arm trafficking-related violence in Mexico; professor at a Mexican university that specializes in transnational organized crime, violence, and anti-money laundering in Mexico; sessional professor at a Canadian university that specializes in Mexican gangs and cartels; Transparency International; UN – UNDP; visiting researcher at an American University that specializes in insurgency, terrorism, and transnational crime in Northern Latin America; Wilson Center.
Internet sites, including: American Broadcasting Company (ABC) News; Al Jazeera; Amnesty International; Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project; Australia – Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade; BBC; Belgium – Office of the Commissioner General for Refugees and Stateless Persons; Bertelsmann Stiftung; Borderland Beat; Campeche HOY; Centre for Strategic and International Studies; Crónica de Campeche; Council on Foreign Relations; Denmark – Danish Immigration Service; Diario de Yucatán; ecoi.net; El Economista; El Expreso de Campeche; El Sudcaliforniano; Entorno Político; EU – European Asylum Support Office; Fédération internationale pour les droits humains; France – Office français de protection des réfugiés et apatrides; Freedom House; The Guardian; International Crisis Group; INTERPOL; Jane's – Country Risk Daily Report; La Jornada; La Opinión; The Mazatlán Post; Mexico – Centro Nacional de Inteligencia, Instituto Nacional de Estadística y Geografía; Mexico News Daily; Netherlands – Ministry of Foreign Affairs; The New Humanitarian; News24; Norway – Landinfo; Noticias Telemundo; Organization of American States; Reporters sans frontières; Semáforo; Transparency International; Tribuna Campeche; UK – Home Office; UN – Human Rights Council, Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, UNDP; US – Department of State, Library of Congress; Washington Office on Latin America; Yucatán a la Mano.